The assassination of the Palestinian leader and head of Hamas' political bureau, Ismail Haniyeh, in a Tehran guest house marks the end of the "Haniyeh era," similar to how Israeli bullets ended the eras of Ahmed Yassin and Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi. Khaled Meshaal, often called the "Peacock of Hamas," will succeed Haniyeh. This movement, rooted in and affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, now is at a critical juncture.

Hamas has not achieved any notable success since its inception, except for its 2007 coup against the Palestinian Authority. Since then, the movement has faced constant defeats, leading to the division of the Palestinian house and internal conflicts. In every war, Hamas has failed to achieve victory, whether in Palestine or the Gaza Strip. These setbacks have consistently marred the performance of its coup government in Gaza. Without the relief efforts of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), Gaza's residents would have suffered from hunger, thirst, and disease.

With Haniyeh's departure, a logical question arises: What did Haniyeh achieve for his people before his martyrdom in Tehran? In his chosen residence in Doha, was he not a witness to the sufferings of the Gazans who die, are injured, and are displaced? What did he do for his people besides repeating slogans, delivering speeches, and praising Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei? Did his claimed flexibility and readiness for understanding lead to any progress in talks to a ceasefire, settle hostage issues, and protect Palestinians from war?

Will Khaled Meshaal's performance differ from Haniyeh's? There is no sign to suggest this. Meshaal led Hamas, moving from Gaza to Syria, then to Jordan, where an assassination attempt prompted his relocation to Sudan. These movements led observers to nickname Meshaal the "Peacock."

Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated; his era ended, and he joined Yassin and al-Rantisi. History will remember Haniyeh for leading the coup that fractured Palestinian resistance and created a significant rift within the Palestinian house. Under his leadership, 140,000 Gazans were killed, and his movement's political and military actions led to widespread suffering in the West Bank.

What did Haniyeh do for Palestinian unity? And what will Meshaal do? The answer may be a resounding zero. Hamas reneged on its oath before the Holy Kaaba and the late Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz — an oath of immense significance.

Regardless of expectations following Haniyeh's assassination, Hamas' Brotherhood tendencies led to disastrous results for Palestinians and others. Under both Haniyeh and Meshaal, Hamas sought support from Iran, which also faced blows in its spheres of influence for "exporting the revolution."

Khaled Meshaal might try using covert diplomacy to improve relations with the West and regional countries, but he may achieve little. Meshaal, Haniyeh, and their fellow leaders have damaged these relationships and trust.

Khaled Meshaal might find himself under the control of extremists like Mohammad Deif and Yahya Sinwar. Conflicts will flare up again, and Meshaal may end up leading external relations that exist only in the colors of the new-old peacock's tail.